My People, Uprooted
Jogendra Nath Mandal's Resignation Letter to Liaquat Ali Khan FULL TEXT OF
THE LETTER OF RESIGNATION DATED 8TH OCTOBER 1950 OF JOGENDRA NATH
MANDAL, MINISTER FOR
LAW AND LABOUR, GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN, ADDRESSED TO LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, PRIME
MINISTER OF PAKISTAN My dear Prime Minister It is with a heavy heart and a sense of utter
frustration at the failure of my lifelong mission to uplift the backward Hindu
masses of East Bengal that I feel compelled to tender resignation of my
membership of your cabinet. It is proper that I should set forth in detail the
reasons which have prompted me to take this decision at this important juncture
of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. 1.
Before
I narrate the remote and immediate causes of my resignation, it may be useful
to give a short background of the important events that have taken place during
the period of my co-operation with the League. Having been approached by a few
prominent League leaders of Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work with them
in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haq ministry in March 1943, with a
party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.A.s, I agreed to cooperate with Khwaja
Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary Party who formed
the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-operation was conditional on certain specific
terms, such as the inclusion of three Scheduled Caste Ministers n the Cabinet,
sanctioning of a sum of Rupees Five Lakhs as annual recurring grant for the
education of the Scheduled Castes, and the unqualified application of the
communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment to Government services. 2.
Apart
from these terms, the principal objectives that prompted me to work in
co-operation with the Muslim League was, first that the economic
interests of the Muslims in Bengal were generally identical with those of the Scheduled
Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators and labourers, and so were members of
the Scheduled Castes. One section of Muslims were fishermen, so was a section of
the Scheduled Castes as well, and secondly that the Scheduled Castes and the
Muslims were both educationally backward. I was persuaded that my co-operation
with the League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking on a wide scale
of legislative and administrative measures which, while promoting the mutual
welfare of the vas bulk of Bengal's population, and undermining the foundations
of vested interest and privilege, would further the cause of communal peace and
harmony. It may be mentioned here that Khwaja Nazimuddin took three Scheduled Caste
Ministers in his cabinet and appointed three Parliamentary Secretaries from
amongst the members of my community. SUHRAWARDY MINISTRY 3.
After
the general elections held in March 1946 Mr. H.S.Suhrawardy became the leader of the League
Parliamentary Party in March 1946 and formed the League Ministry in April 1946.
I was the only Scheduled Caste member returned on the federation ticket. I was
included in Mr. Suhrawardy's Cabinet. The 16th day of August of that
year was observed in Calcutta as 'The Direct Action Day' by
the Muslim League. It resulted, as you know, in a holocaust. Hindus demanded my resignation from
the League Ministry. My life was in
peril. I began to receive threatening
letters almost every day. But I remained steadfast to my policy. Moreover, I issued an appeal through our
journal 'Jagaran' to the Scheduled Caste people to keep themselves aloof from
the bloody feud between the Congress and the Muslim League even at
the risk of my life. I cannot but gratefully acknowledge the fact that I was
saved from the wrath of infuriated Hindu mobs by my Caste Hindu
neighbours. The Calcutta carnage was followed by the
'Noakhali Riot' in October 1946. There, Hindus including Scheduled Castes were
killed and hundreds were converted to Islam. Hindu women were raped and
abducted. Members of my community also suffered loss of life and property. Immediately after these happenings, I
visited Tipperah and Feni and saw some
riot-affected areas. The terrible sufferings of Hindus overwhelmed me with
grief, but still I continued the policy of co-operation with the Muslim League. Immediately after the massive Calcutta Killing, a no-confidence
motion was moved against the Suhrawardy Ministry. It was only due to my efforts that the
support of four Anglo-Indian Members and of four Scheduled Caste members of the
Assembly who had hitherto been with the
Congress could be secured, but for which
the Ministry would have been defeated. 4.
In
October 1946, most unexpectedly came to me through Mr. Suhrawardy the offer of a seat in the
Interim Government of India. After a
good deal of hesitation and being given only one hour's time to take my final
decision, I consented to accept the offer subject to the condition only that I
should be permitted to resign if my leader Dr. B.R. Ambedkar disapproved of my
action. Fortunately, however, I received his approval in a telegram sent from
London. Before I left for Delhi to take over as Law Member, I persuaded Mr.
Suhrawardy, the then Chief Minister of Bengal, to agree to take two Ministers in
his Cabinet in my place and to appoint two Parliamentary Secretaries from the
Scheduled Case Federation Group. 5.
I
joined the Interim Government on November 1, 1946. After about a month when I paid a visit to Calcutta, Mr.Suhrawardy apprised me of the communal
tension in some parts of East Bengal, especially in Gopalganj Sub-division,
where the Namahsudras were in majority, being very high. He requested me to visit those areas and
address meetings of Muslims and Namahsudras. The fact was
that Namahsudras in those areas had made preparations for retaliation. I
addressed about a dozen of largely attended meetings. The result was that
Namahsudras gave up the idea of retaliation.
Thus an inevitable dangerous communal disturbance was averted. 6.
After
a few months, the British Government made their June 3 Statement (1947) embodying certain
proposals for the partition of India.
The whole country, especially the entire non-Muslim India, was startled. For the sake of truth I must admit that I
had always considered the demand of Pakistan by the Muslim League as a bargaining counter.
Although I honestly felt that in the context of India as a whole Muslims had legitimate cause for grievance against upper class
Hindu chauvinism, I held the view very strongly indeed that the creation
of Pakistan would never solve the
communal problem. On the contrary, it would aggravate communal hatred and
bitterness. Besides, I maintained that
it would not ameliorate the condition of Muslims in Pakistan. The inevitable
result of the partition of the country would be to prolong, if not perpetuate,
the poverty, illiteracy and miserable condition of the toiling masses of both the States. I further apprehended that Pakistan might turn to be one of the
most backward and undeveloped countries of the South East Asia. LAHORE RESOLUTION 7.
I
must make it clear that I have thought that an attempt would be made, as is
being done at present, to develop
Pakistan as a purely 'Islamic' State based on the Shariat and the injunctions
and formulae of Islam. I presumed that it would be set up in all essentials after the
pattern contemplated in the Muslim League resolution adopted at Lahore on
March 23, 1940. That resolution stated
inter alia that (I) "geographically contiguous areas are demarcated into
regions which should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as may
be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in majority as
in the north-western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to
constitute independent States in which the Constituent units shall be
autonomous and sovereign" and (II) "adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically
provided in the Constitution for minorities in these units and in these regions
for the protection of their religious, cultural, political, administrative and
other rights and interests in consultation with them." Implicitly in this formula were (a) that North western and eastern Muslim zones should be constituted
into two independent States, (b) that the constituent units of these States
should be autonomous and sovereign, (c)
that minorities' guarantee should be in respect of rights as well as of
interest and extend to every sphere of their lives, and (d) that Constitutional
provisions should be made in these regards in consultation with the minorities
themselves. I was fortified in my faith
in this resolution and the professions of the League Leadership by the
statement Qaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was pleased to make on the 11th
August 1947 as the President of the Constituent Assembly giving solemn
assurance of equal treatment for Hindus & Muslims alike and calling upon them to
remember that they were all Pakistanis. There was then no question of dividing
he people on the basis of religion into full-fledged Muslim citizens and zimmies[1]
being under the perpetual custody of the Islamic State and its Muslims
citizens. Every one of these pledges is
being flagrantly violated apparently to your knowledge and with your approval
in complete disregard of the Qaid-e-Azam's wishes and sentiments and to the detriment and humiliation of the minorities. PARTITION OF BENGAL 8.
It
may also be mentioned in this connection that I was opposed to the partition of
Bengal. In launching a campaign in this
regard I had to face not only tremendous resistance from all quarters but also
unspeakable abuse, insult and dishonour.
With great regret, I recollect those days when 32 crores of Hindus of this Indo-Pakistan
Sub-continent turned their back against me and dubbed me as the enemy of Hindus
and Hinduism, but I remained undaunted and unmoved in my loyalty to
Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude
that my appeal to 7 million Scheduled Caste people of Pakistan evoked a ready
and enthusiastic response from them.
They lent me their unstinted support sympathy and encouragement. 9.
After
the establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 you formed the Pakistan
Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin formed a provisional Cabinet
for East Bengal. On August 10, I had
spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin at Karachi and requested him to take 2 Scheduled
Caste Ministers in the East Bengal Cabinet.
He promised to do the same sometime later. What happened subsequently in
this regard was a record of unpleasant and disappointing negotiation with you,
Khwaja Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the present Chief Minister of East
Bengal. When I realised that Khwaja
Nazimuddin was avoiding the issue on this or that excuse, I became almost
impatient and exasperated. I further
discussed the matter with the Presidents of the Pakistan Muslim League and its East Bengal
Branch. Ultimately, I brought the
matter to your notice. You were pleased to discuss the subject with Khwaja
Nazimuddin in my presence at your residence.
Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to take one Scheduled Caste Minister on his
return to Dacca. As I had already became sceptic about the assurance of Khwaja
Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite about the time-frame. I insisted that he must act in this regard
with a month, failing which I should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to the
condition. But alas! you did not
perhaps mean what you said. Khwaja Nazimuddin did not keep his promise. After
Mr. Nurul Amin had became the Chief Minister of East Bengal, I again took up
the matter with him. He also followed the same old familiar tactics of evasion.
When I again called your attention to this matter prior to your visit to
Dacca in 1949, you were pleased to assure me that Minority Ministers would be
appointed in East Bengal, and you asked 2/3 names from me for
consideration. In stat deference to your wish, I sent you a note
stating the Federation Group in the East Bengal Assembly and suggesting three
names. When I made enquiries as to what
had happened on your return from Dacca, you appeared to be very cold and only
remarked : "Let Nurul Amin return from Delhi". After a few days I again pressed the
matter. But you avoided the issue. I was then forced to come to the conclusion
that neither you not Mr. Nurul Amin had any intention to take any Scheduled
Caste Minister in the East Bengal Cabinet.
Apart from this, I was noticing that Mr. Nurul Amin and some League
leaders of East Bengal were trying to create disruption among the Members of
the Scheduled Caste Federation. It
appeared to me that my leadership and wide-spread popularity were considered
ominous. My outspokenness, vigilance
and sincere efforts to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan,
in general, and of the Scheduled Caste,
in particular, were considered a matter on annoyance to the East Bengal Govt.
and few League leaders. Undaunted, I
took my firm stand to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan. ANTI-HINDU POLICY 10.
When
the question of partition of Bengal arose, the Scheduled Caste people were
alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of partition. Representation on their behalf were made to
Mr. Suhrawardy, the then Chief Minister of Bengal who was pleased to issue a
statement to the press declaring that none of the rights and privileges
hitherto enjoyed by the Scheduled Caste People would be curtailed after
partition and that they would not only continue to enjoy the existing rights
and privileges but also receive additional advantages. This assurance was given by Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his personal
capacity but also in his capacity as the Chief Minister of the League
Ministry. To my utter regret it is to
be stated that after partition, particularly after the death of Qaid-e-Azam,
the Scheduled Castes have not received a fair deal in any matter. You will recollect that from time to time I
brought the grievances of the Scheduled Castes to your notice. I explained to you on several occasions the
nature of inefficient administration in East Bengal. I made serious charges against the police administration. I brought to your notice incidents of
barbarous atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous grounds. I did not hesitate to bring to your notice
the anti-Hindu policy pursued by the East Bengal Government especially the
police administration and a section of Muslim League leaders. SOME INCIDENTS 11.
The
first incident that shocked me took place at a village called Digharkul near
Gopalganj where on the false complaint
of a Muslim brutal atrocities were committed on the local Namahsudras. The fact was that a Muslim who was going in
a boat attempted to throw his net to catch fish. A Namahsudra who
was already there for the same purpose
opposed the throwing of the net in his front.
This was followed by some altercation and the Muslim got annoyed and
went to the nearby Muslim village and made a false complaint that he and a
woman in his boat had been assaulted by the Namahsudras. At that time, the S.D.O. of Gopalganj was passing in a boat through the
canal, who without making any enquiry accepted the complaint as true and sent
armed police to the spot to punish the Namahsudras. The armed police came and the local Muslims also joined them. They not only raided some houses of the
Namahsudras but mercilessly beat both men and women, destroyed their properties
and took away valuables. The merciless beating of a pregnant women resulted in
abortion on the spot. This brutal
action on the part of the local authority created panic over a large area. 12.
The
second incidence of police oppression took place in early part of 1949 under
P.S. Gournadi in the district of Barisal. Here a quarrel took place
between two groups of members of a Union Board. One group which was in the good books of the police conspired against the opponents on
the plea of their being Communists. On the information of a threat of attack on
the Police Station, the O.C., Gournadi requisitioned armed forces from the
headquarters. The Police, helped by the armed forces, then raided a large
number of houses in the area, took away valuable properties, even from the
house of absentee-owners who were never in politics, far less in the Communist Party. A large number of persons over a wide area
were arrested. Teachers and students of many High English Schools were
Communist suspects and unnecessarily harassed. This area being very near to my
native village, I was informed of the incident. I wrote to the District
Magistrate and the S.P. for an enquiry.
A section of the local people also prayed for an enquiry by the S.D.O.
But no enquiry was held. Even my letters to the District authorities were not
acknowledged. I then brought this
matter to the notice of the highest Authority in Pakistan, including yourself
but to no avail. WOMEN FOR MILITARY 13.
The
atrocities perpetrated by the police and the military on the innocent Hindus, especially the Scheduled Castes of Habibgarh in the District of
Sylhet deserve description. Innocent
men and women were brutally tortured, some women ravished, their houses
raided and properties looted by the police and the local Muslims. Military pickets were posted
in the area. The military not only
oppressed these people and took away stuff forcibly from Hindu houses, but also
forced Hindus to send their women-folk
at night to the camp to satisfy the carnal desires of the military. This fact also I brought to your notice. You
assured me of a report on the matter, but unfortunately no report was
forthcoming. 14.
Then
occurred the incident at the Nachole in the District of Rajshahi where in the name of
suppression of Communists not only the police but also the local Muslims in collaboration with the
police oppressed the Hindus and looted their
properties. The Santhals then crossed
the border and came over to West Bengal. They narrated the stories of
atrocities wantonly committed by the Muslims and the police. 15.
An
instance of callous and cold-blooded brutality is furnished by the incident
that took place on December 20, 1949 in Kalshira under P.S. Mollarhat in the
District of Khulna. What happened was that late at night four constables raided the
house of one Joydev Brahma in village Kalshira in search of some alleged
Communists. At the scent of the police,
half a dozen of young men, some of whom might have been Communists, escaped from the house. The police constable entered into the house
and assaulted the wife of Joydev Brahma
whose cry attracted her husband and a few companions who escaped from the
house. They became desperate, re-entered the house, found 4 constables with one
gun only. That perhaps might have
encouraged the young men who struck a blow on an armed constable who died on
the spot. The young men then attacked another constable when the other two ran
away and raised alarm which attracted some neighbouring people who came to their rescue. As the
incident took place before sunrise when it was dark, the assailants fled with
the dead body before the villagers could come. The S.P. of Khulna with a contingent of military
and armed police appeared on the scene in the afternoon of the following day.
In the meantime, the assailants fled and the intelligent neighbours also fled
away. But the bulk of the villagers
remained in their houses as they were
absolutely innocent and failed to
realise the consequence of the happening. Subsequently, the S.P., the military
and armed police began to beat mercilessly the innocents of the entire village,
encouraged the neighbouring Muslims to take away their properties.
A number of persons were killed and men and women were forcibly converted.
House-hold deities were broken and places of worship desecrated and destroyed. Several women were raped by the
police, military and local Muslims.
Thus a veritable hell was let loose not only in the village of Kalshira which
is 1-1/2 miles in length with a large population, but also in a number of
neighbouring Namahsudra villages. The
village Kalshira was never suspected by the authority to be a place of
Communist activities. Another village
called Jhalardanga, which was at a distance of 3 miles from Kalshira, was known
to be a centre of Communist activities. This village was raided by a large
contingent of police on that day for hunt of the alleged Communists, a number
of whom fled away and took shelter in the aforesaid house of village Kalshira
which was considered to be a safe place for them. 16.
I
visited Kalshira and one or two neighbouring villages on the 28th
February 1950. The S.P., Khulna and some of the prominent League leaders of the district
were with me. When I came to the
village Kalshira, I found the place desolate and in ruins. I was told in the
presence of S.P. that there were 350 homesteads in this village, of these, only
three had been spared and the rest had been demolished. Country boats and heads of cattle belonging to the Namasudras had been
all taken away. I reported these facts
to the Chief Minister, Chief Secretary and
Inspector of General of Police of East Bengal and to you. 17.
It
may be mentioned in this connection that the news of this incident was
published in West Bengal Press and this created some unrest among the Hindus there. A number of sufferers of Kalshira, both men
and women, homeless and destitute had also come to Calcutta and narrated the stories of
their sufferings which resulted in some communal disturbances in West Bengal in
the last part of January. CAUSES OF THE FEBRUARY
DISTURBANCE 18.
It
must be noted that stories of a few incidents of communal disturbance that took
place in West Bengal as a sort of repercussion of the incidents at Kalshira were
published in exaggerated form in he
East Bengal press. In the second week of
February 1950 when the Budget Session of the East Bengal Assembly commenced,
the Congress Members sought permission to
move two adjournment motions to discuss the situation created at Kalshira and
Nachole. But the motions were disallowed. The Congress members walked out of the
Assembly in protest. This action of the Hindu members of the Assembly annoyed
and enraged not only the Ministers but also the Muslim leaders and officials of
the Province. This was perhaps one of the principal reasons for Dacca and East Bengal riots in February 1950. 19.
It
is significant that on February 10, 1950 at about 10 o'clock in the morning a
woman was painted with red to show that her breast was cut off in Calcutta riot, and was taken round the
East Bengal Secretariat at Dacca. Immediately the Government servants of the Secretariat stuck work and
came out in procession raising slogans of revenge against the Hindus. The procession began to swell as it passed over a distance of more
than a mile. It ended in a meeting at Victoria Park at about 12 o'clock in the
noon where violent speeches against the Hindus were delivered by several
speakers, including officials. The fun of the whole show was that while the
employees of the Secretariat went out of procession, the Chief Secretary of the
East Bengal Government was holding a conference with his West Bengal counterpart in the same
building to find out ways and means to stop communal disturbances in the two
Bengals. OFFICIALS HELPED LOOTERS 20.
The
riot started at about 1 p.m. simultaneously all over the city. Arson, looting
of Hindu shops and houses and killing of Hindus, wherever they were found, commenced in full swing in all parts of the
city. I got evidence even from the Muslims that arson and looting were
committed even in the presence of high
police officials. Jewellery shops belonging to the Hindus were looted in the
presence of police officers. They not only did not attempt to stop loot, but
also helped the looters with advice and
direction. Unfortunately for me, I reached Dacca at 5 o'clock in the afternoon
on the same day, in February10, 1950. To my utter dismay, I had occasion to see
and know things from close quarters. What I saw and learnt from firsthand
information was simply staggering and heart-rending. BACKGROUND OF THE RIOT 21.
The
reasons for the Dacca riot were mainly five: (i) To punish the Hindus for the daring action of their
representatives in the Assembly in their expression of protest by walking out
of the Assembly when two adjournment motions on Kalshira and Nachole affairs
were disallowed. (ii) Dissension and
differences between the Suhrawardy Group and the Nazimuddin Group
in the Parliamentary Party were becoming acute. (iii) Apprehension of
launching of a movement for re-union of East and West Bengal by both Hindu and Muslim
leaders made the East Bengal Ministry and the Muslim League nervous. They wanted to prevent
such a move. They though that any large-scale communal riot in East Bengal was
sure to produce reactions in West Bengal where Muslims might be killed. The result of
such riots in both East and West Bengal, it was believed, would prevent any
movement for re-union of Bengals. (iv) Feeling of antagonism
between the Bengali Muslims and non-Bengali Muslims in East Bengal was gaining ground.
This could only be prevented by creating hatred between Hindus and Muslims of East Bengal. The
language question was also connected with it and (v) The consequences of
non-devaluation and the Indo-Pakistan trade deadlock to the economy of East
Bengal were being felt most acutely first in urban and rural areas and the
Muslim League members and officials wanted to divert the attention of the Muslim
masses from the impending economic breakdown by some sort of Jihad against Hindus. STAGGERING DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED 22.
During
my nine days' stay at Dacca, I visited most of the riot-affected areas of the city and suburbs. I
visited Mirpur also under P.S. Tejgaon. The news of the killing of hundreds
of innocent Hindus in trains, on railway lines
between Dacca and Narayanganj, and Dacca and Chittagong gave me the rudest shock. On
the second day of Dacca riot, I met the Chief Minister of East Bengal and
requested him to issue immediate instructions to the District authorities to
take all precautionary measures to prevent spreading of the riot in district towns
and rural areas. On the 20th February 1950, I reached Barisal town and was astounded to know
of the happenings in Barisal. In the District town, a number of Hindu houses
were burnt and a large number of Hindus killed. I visited almost all
riot-affected areas in the District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc
wrought by the Muslim rioters even at
places like Kasipur, Madhabpasha and
Lakutia which were within a radius of six miles from the District town
and were connected with motorable roads. At the Madhabpasha Zamindar's house, about 200 people were killed and 40
injured. A place, called Muladi, witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi Bandar
alone, the number killed would total more than three hundred, as was reported
to me by the local Muslims including some officers. I visited Muladi village also, where I
found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I found dogs and vultures eating
corpses on he river-side. I got the information there that after the
whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the young girls were distributed
among the ringleaders of the miscreants. At a place called Kaibartakhali under
P.S. Rajapur, 63 persons were killed. Hindu houses within a stone's throw
distance from the said thana office were looted, burnt and inmates killed. All
Hindu shops of Babuganj Bazar were looted and then burnt and a large number of
Hindus were killed. From detailed information received, the conservative
estimate of casualties was placed at 2,500 killed in the District of Barisal
alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were
estimated to be in the neighbourhood of 10,000 killed. The lamentation of women
and children who had lost their all including near and dear ones melted my
heart. I only asked myself "What was coming to Pakistan in the name of
Islam." NO EARNEST DESIRE TO
IMPLEMENT DELHI PACT 23.
The
large scale exodus of Hindus from Bengal commenced in the
latter part of March. It appeared that within a short time all the Hindus would
migrate to India. A war cry was raised
in India. The situation became
extremely critical. A national calamity appeared to be inevitable. The
apprehended disaster, however, was avoided by the Delhi Agreement of April
8. With a view to reviving the already
lost morale of the panicky Hindus, I undertook an extensive tour of East Bengal. I visited a number of
places of the districts of Dacca, Barisal, Faridpur, Khulna and Jessore. I addressed dozens of
largely attended meetings and asked the
Hindus to take courage and not to leave their ancestral hearths and homes. I
had this expectation that the East Bengal Govt. and Muslim League leaders would implement the
terms of the Delhi Agreement. But with the lapse of time, I began to realise
that neither the East Bengal Govt. nor the Muslim League leaders were really
earnest in the matter of implementation of the Delhi Agreement. The East Bengal
Govt. was not only ready to set up a machinery as envisaged in the Delhi
Agreement, but also was not willing to take effective steps for the purpose. A
number of Hindus who returned to native village immediately after the Delhi
Agreement were not given possession of their homes and lands which were
occupied in the meantime by the Muslims. MOULANA AKRAM KHAN'S
INCITATIONS 24. My suspicion about the intention of League leaders was confirmed when I read editorial comments by Moulana Akram Khan, the President of the Provincial Muslim League in the "Baisak" issue of a monthly journal called 'Mohammadi'. In commenting on the first radio-broadcast of Dr.A.M.Malik, Minister for Minority Affairs of Pakistan, from Dacca Radio Station, wherein he said, "Even Prophet Mohammed had given religious freedom to the Jews in Arabia", Moulana Akram Khan said, "Dr.Malik would have done well had he not made any reference in his speech to the Jews of Arabia. It is true that the Jews in Arabia had been given religious freedom by Prophet Mohammed; but it was the first chapter of the history. The last chapter contains the definite direction of prophet Mohammed which runs as follows:- "Drive away all the Jews out of Arabia". Even despite this editorial comment of a person who held a very high position in the political, social and spiritual life of the Muslim community, I entertained some expectation that the Nurul Amin Ministry might not be so insincere. But that expectation of mine was totally shat |